The Final Verdict

RRPP Income from 2005 to 2012

RRPP Income from 2005 to 2012

RRPP Income in 2012

RRPP Income in 2012

AND NOW THE END IS NEAR . . .

AND NOW THE END IS NEAR . . .

2

2

3

3

4

4

5

5

6

6

7

7

8

8

9

9

10

10

11

11

12

12

13

13

18

18

25

25

26

26

27

27

28

28

30

30

33

33

35

35

38

38

40

40

45

45

46

46

47

47

48

48

49

49

51

51

55

55

56

56

57

57

58

58

59

59

60 Finale

60 Finale

RRPP Income and Taxes in 2011

RRPP Income and Taxes in 2011

RRPP Income and Taxes in 2010

RRPP Income and Taxes in 2010

OPPOSE THE CONTINUING ONSLAUGHT ON THE EARTH

“I brought you into a fertile land to eat its fruit and rich produce. But you came and defiled my land and you made my inheritance detestable.” (Jeremiah 2:7)


We, the Ecumenical Bishops Forum (EBF), express alarm over the wanton abuse of natural resources by the Transnational Mining Corporations (TNCs) with their local cohorts in South Luzon Region, especially in Bicol. The experience of the Bicolano people is no different from the plight of local communities in mining areas throughout the country: massive environmental destruction, shrinking economic base of the people, militarization of mining communities, displacement of communities due to land-grabbing and unjust land-conversion, gross human rights violations, destruction of flora and fauna, and further impoverishment of the country. The unresolved and ever continuing polymetallic mining operations in Rapu-Rapu Island, Albay, Labo, Paracale, and Jose Panganiban, Camarines Norte, the aggressive mine expansion in Aroroy, Masbate by Filminera Resources Corp., the peculiar magnetite off-shore mining in Camarines Sur by Bogo Mining Resources Corp; the Palanog Cement Plant in Albay, Panganiban and San Andres, Catanduanes, and the deeper quagmire of maldevelopment of mining in Matnog, Sorsogon challenge us to rethink our role as responsible God’s stewards of creation ( Genesis 1: 26-31 ).


Destructive mining is blatantly unethical, unjust, and senseless for it exacerbates poverty, causes dislocation of livelihood of the people, and even threatens the base of life and life itself.


It is lamentable that the national government equates TNC mining with development, and is remiss in its duties in protecting the environment to the detriment of the people. It has been proven that the negative costs of mining operations far outweigh the gains.


Thus, to further liberalize the mining industry in favour of the mining corporations as being trumpeted by the Aquino administration will mean more suffering and death, dislocation, displacement and ruin of the environment.


Hence we call on the Filipino people:



1. To oppose all destructive mining operations, both locally or foreign-owned;

2. To scrap the Mining Act of 1995;

3. To demand immediate moratorium of large scale mining

4. To demand the demilitarization of mining communities

5. To fight for justice and integrity of creation;

6. To pass the HB 4315 or the Peoples’ Mining Bill


We urge our churches and faith-based groups and institutions to pursue organizing, awareness building, and other relevant activities, and be in full solidarity with the people’s movement against destructive mining operations.


With the liberating power of the Holy Spirit, we seek strength and wisdom to carry this task of asserting the right of the earth to survive and all that dwell therein.


Ecumenical Bishops Forum

October 6, 2011




DA Reports Rise in Fish Catch But Not in Albay Gulf

In the July 12-18, 2011 issue of Diario Veritas, the Department of Agriculture reported:


Nahilingan nin senyales nin pag-asenso an sector nin pagsisira sa paagi kan pagiging aktibo kan mga regional fishing ports sa primerong quarto kan taon.

Ipinahayag nin Rodolfo Paz, an general manager kan Philippine Fisheries Development Authority (PFDA), an mga dakop kan sira an nagtaas nin maabot sa 93 porsyento sa Navotas, Iloilo, asin Sual, Pangasinan.

Siring man an nanotaran sa Davao Fish Port Complex na nagkaigwa man na 40% na pagdakul nin dakop kumparadosa dakop kan mga parasira sa kaparehong peryodo kan nakaaging taon.

Katakod kaini, pinag-engganyar kan DA an gabos na local na gobyerno sa nasyon na pakusugon an industriya nina pagsisira partikular sa aspeto kan environmental protection asin pagbukod sa mga ilegal na mga parasira.

Nakaabot kaya an report sa DA na rampante an paggamit nin mga dinamitakan mga parasira sa nagkakapirang kostal na lugar kan nasyon kun saen saro kan naunambitan digdi iyo an rehiyon Bikol.


At least two points are implied in this report. First, there are rises in fish catch in several areas of the country but not in Albay Gulf. Second, the DA blames all declines in fish catch on environmental degradation “and” illegal fishing.

On the first implication: Why is there no report of any rise in fish catch in Albay Gulf? The answer is obvious: there is in fact a precipitous decline as attested to by fishermen. A 95% decline has been reported here since 2005 the same year when Lafayette went into full operation. Why is there such a decline? We have referred that question to the DA and its line bureau BFAR (Bureau of Fisheries and Aquatic Resources) but no answer has ever been given. (They have not even reported any investigation conducted on the cause of death of a 15-meter sperm whale in 2010.)


We have ascribed the decline to mining in Rapu-Rapu from which flow several creeks that are discolored. Officials of Rapu-Rapu Polymetallic Project reply that fish catch decline is a global phenomenon (technical meeting on April 26, 2011 in EMB). Now, we have here a rebuttal to that defense - the DA report of fish catch rise in at least four areas. Fish catch decline is not a global phenomenon.

On the second implication: Since DA reports rises in fish catch in four areas of the country and calls for curtailment of illegal fishing, then it follows that after curtailing illegal fishing we can observe a rise in fish catch. In Albay Gulf, the Bantay Dagat, a local watch group against illegal fishing, has been very active in this campaign. However, the fish catch decline continues. Couple this observation with the fact that the DA confirms the presence of a fish sanctuary in Gaba Bay, Villahermosa, Rapu-Rapu . With a fish sanctuary and active campaign against illegal fishing, fish population should increase within one or two seasons but this does not happen. Hence, illegal fishing cannot be the cause. Again, we are led to the more obvious – the mining operation in Rapu-Rapu.

It should be pointed out that much of the fish catch in the past according to fishermen consisted of migratory fish from the Pacific Ocean – yellowfin tuna, kwaw, malasugi, tanguigue, sharks, etc. These species do not need the local breeding grounds in Albay Gulf to multiply. They spawn in the areas around Guam and come to Albay Gulf to feed seasonally. They pass through the gap between Rapu-Rapu and Prieto Diaz following the current. Since 2005, the catch of these species has consistently declined. Something is barring their path in that gap and that something is none other than the contamination of silt and heavy metals flowing from the mine site through the creeks and ultimately to the waters around Rapu-Rapu. The current carries the contaminants into the Albay Gulf and spreads them as the tide flows back out into the Philippine Sea.

Any way we look at the phenomenon in Albay Gulf, the glaring fact is that mining has adversely affected our food supply. Between fishing where we derive 100% of the benefits and Rapu-Rapu mining where were derive only 1/3 of 1% (according to the statement of Gov. Joey Salceda in the Philippine Daily Inquirer on March 28, 2011), we have to choose the former.


The same issue of Diario Veritas banners the headline “City secures fish trade.” It reports the plan of the Legazpi City Council “to beef up the local fishing industry through stern legislation . . . Councilor Carlos Ante had already invited the different leaders of the local fisher folk to lay out details of a proposed ordinance to secure their livelihood.” I laud the efforts of the good councilor. However, I suggest that a more comprehensive view of the problem be taken if it is ever intended to be solved. As management theory suggests, any solution should address the real cause of the problem. Limiting the analysis within the immediate vicinity of the city’s coastal waters will lead to a failure at solution.


Not too long ago, we learned that several city councilors led by then Mayor Noel Rosal visited the Rapu-Rapu mine. In the newsletter of the Mines and Geosciences Bureau, Foresight, he was quoted as follows: “The mine is full of promise for the province” (Pages 9 and 11). I wrote Hon. Rosal in November 2010 (by then he had become the City Administrator) attaching photographs of the creeks colored brown, red, yellow and orange. I asked if the tour guides brought his group to the creeks. It’s September 2011 and I still have to receive a reply. I also wrote to MGB V and EMB V. Both replied that the contamination in the creeks is within “tolerable levels.”


RRMI, RRPI, LG, Kores and MSC should not think that they have succeeded in convincing the local community in their claim that the mine is operated responsibly and that the benefits they have derived translate to sustainable development of the people. The condition of the creeks, the fish catch decline and the poverty prevailing in the island all speak eloquently of the truth. Environmental damage and economic injustice have worsened. Adding insult to injury, they have praised themselves through press releases about their environmental awards while the residents of Rapu-Rapu and the fishermen of Albay Gulf continue to suffer. The contamination in the creeks may be within “tolerable levels” in the standards of the DENR but the poverty of the island residents, the fish catch decline and the environmental damage are definitely intolerable in the standards of the local community.


The DA, BFAR, DENR, Legazpi City Council, other local government units and other authorities better look into Rapu-Rapu mining honestly if they really want to solve the problem of fish catch decline in Albay Gulf. Anything less than that would not be in keeping with the public trust reposed in them.

September 4, 2011




Giving some; taking so much

Giving some; taking so much

Mining Engineers’ Conference in Legazpi City blind to local residents’ plight!

On July 13 to 15, 2011 some 300 mining engineers converged in Legazpi City for their Bicol regional conference. This event is unfortunate because it projects the impression that mining engineers are blind to the plight of their fellow Filipinos suffering from the environmental damage and economic injustice wrought by mining companies.

We remind the Provincial Government of Albay about the Sangguniang Panlalawigan Resolution 2011-020 issued on March 8, 2011 banning all future mining activities in the province. It should have shown consistency by expressing disfavor against the convention.

We rebuke the City Government of Legazpi for going against the sentiments of Albayanos against the continued destruction of our environment. The city has recently manifested its inability to walk the talk. In Mount Bariw, Barangay Estanza, a large swath of hillside is severely denuded yet it has done nothing. The silt from the denudation has flowed to Barangay Pinaric where it is several inches thick. In Embarcadero, large volumes of floating garbage greet the citizens whenever they go for a leisurely stroll along the boulevard. The city government has been so preoccupied with pleasing tourists but compromised the welfare of local residents who voted them into office and pay millions in taxes. Tourists bring in income but that income is just a means towards providing better living conditions for local residents. The means cannot be exchanged for the end. If the welfare of citizens is disadvantaged by the city government’s preoccupation with pleasing tourists, then it is time to withdraw the trust reposed in them during election.

The hosting of the mining engineers’ convention in Legazpi is a misstep of the city government. It betrays a failure to understand genuine environmental advocacy. While the city brags about its sanitary landfill, it fails to prove its pro-environment agenda by making a prominent endorsement of mining as a stimulant of progress. While we need products derived from mining, we insist that it should be done in the right place and the right manner. That is what responsible mining is all about. So far, however, all claims of responsible mining by many companies are nothing but hot air because of the evident damage wrought on their surroundings like what is happening in Rapu-Rapu, Aroroy, Palanog, Matnog, Paracale, Catanduanes, Caramoan, etc.

They say, if we do not want mining then we should not use the products of that industry. They are dead wrong. We want mining that does not destroy the environment. We want mining that reserves the natural resources of the Philippines for Filipinos. We want mining that spreads the fruits of development to the masses and not only to the foreign investors and their local junior partners.

We want mining that does not sacrifice our agriculture so that we protect our own food supply. Mining generally provides for non-basic needs while agriculture produces our most basic needs like food, clothing, shelter and livelihood. While mining generates a few temporary jobs, agriculture provides long-term sources of income thus genuinely assuring sustainable development.

We call on all mining engineers to support our notion of genuinely responsible mining. In view of the bad record of mining in Bicol, we ask them not to project the impression that they condone what is happening here contrary to declarations by the DENR, MGB, EMB and companies that all is well in Bicol mining. Bicol is severely suffering from the impacts of mining and the statements of the aforementioned entities are belied when we see the plight of the farmers and fishermen and the condition of our mountains, rivers, creeks and seas.

So in their visit to Rapu-Rapu today, they should make an objective assessment on the effects of mining in the island and its residents and not make it a mere field trip. They should talk to the people to know the real impact of RRPP on their lives. They tell us nothing but misery and deepening poverty. While the project heaps billions upon the foreign investors and their local junior partners, it brings “Lilliputian” benefits to the residents of the island and severe fish catch decline in Albay Gulf on which depend some 14,000 fishermen. Today, there is no more fish to catch in the gulf.

In 2010, the project earned P11.7 billion but according to Gov. Joey Salceda himself the province got a social fund of P41.71 million or a measly one-third (1/3) of 1%! If that is not enough, one can look at the creeks flowing from the mine site to the sea. They are colored yellow, orange, red and brown.

We ask the delegates to the mining conference to wake up to realities and not be deceived by the lies of those who support mining operations in Bicol.

July 19, 2011

RRPP’s Awards - Rubbing Salt on the People’s Injury

The DENR recently awarded the Rapu-Rapu Polymetallic Project with the Saringaya Award while the Pollution Control Association of the Philippines, Inc gave it the Mother Nature Award. RRPP also boasts of other “awards” for its alleged “safe and responsible mining” in the island. The project’s executives also claim that they have “raised” the living standards of the host communities.

As the cliché goes, the proof of the pudding is in the eating. One needs only to go to the island and talk to the people to know the real impact of RRPP on their lives. They tell nothing but misery and deepening poverty. While the project heaps billions upon the foreign investors and their local junior partners, it brings “Lilliputian” benefits to the residents of the island and severe fish catch decline in Albay Gulf on which depend some 14,000 fishermen. Today, there is no more fish to catch in the gulf.

In 2010, the project earned P11.7 billion but according to Gov. Joey Salceda himself the province got a social fund of P41.71 million or a measly one-third (1/3) of 1%! If that is not enough, one can look at the creeks flowing from the mine site to the sea. They are colored yellow, orange, red and brown. Challenged to prove his belief in the reports of the Multi-partite Monitoring Team by bathing in the creeks on schedules and sites set by SARA, Director Reynulfo Juan of MGB V, showed photos of people perching on rocks in the discolored creeks on dates and sites they themselves chose. Challenged by SARA to withdraw the armed CAFGUs and allow free access and surprise visits to the creeks, Engr. Rogelio Corpus, President of RRMI, replied that they cannot allow such because they “have to protect their interests.” Hence, the interests of the environment and those of RRPP are contradictory.

The executives of RRPP can go on deluding themselves with fantastic claims of “safe and responsible mining” in Rapu-Rapu but the truth is well-known to the people who suffer much from the environmental damage and economic injustice attendant to the project. The emperor’s new clothes are well-praised by the award-giving bodies. One day, the truth will prevail and the awards will instead shatter their credibility. There is time under heaven for everything, says the Bible. Today, in the island of Rapu-Rapu and villages dependent on Albay Gulf, the people are groaning in pain. The awards are salt rubbed on their wounds while RRPP’s supporters have their photo-ops and raise their toasts of wine in fine dining. We believe that the day will come when, after being denied for so long, the people shall claim justice and RRPP’s awards will go to the dustbin.

July 18, 2011

Noon at Ngayon, Walang Responsableng Dayuhang Pagmimina sa Kabikolan!

Ang nagaganap na 1st Bicol Mining Conference mula Hulyo 13-15, 2011 dito sa Bikol (La Piazza Hotel) sa pangunguna ng MGB-V/DENR-V at ng Phil. Society of Mining Engineers ay isa na namang masamang pangitain para sa mamamayang Bikolano. Pag-uusapan na naman ng ahensya ng MGB-5 at DENR-5 kasama ang mga dayuhang korporasyon sa pagmimina kung paano pa uubusin ang yamang mineral ng Kabikolan, wawasakin ang kabundukan, karagatan at kalupaan ng Bikol.



Kahiya-hiya at malakas pa ang loob na ang itinakdang tema ng kumperensyang magaganap ay: Towards Responsible Mining: “Against All Odds”. Responsable para kanino? - Para sa mga malalaki at dayuhang korporasyon sa pagmimina kasama ng mga malalaking lokal na negosyante at para sa mga matataas na opisyales ng gobyerno at ahensya na nakikipagsabwatan sa mga korporasyong ito.



Kalokohang sabihin na ang operasyon na Open Pit Mining sa Rapu-Rapu, Albay (Rapu-Rapu Polymetallic Project ng Lafayette/LG-Kollins) at sa Aroroy, Masbate (Masbate Gold Project ng Filminera Resources Corporation) ay responsable! Mayroon bang pagpapasabog (blasting) ng kabundukan at kalupaan na “safe and environmental friendly”? Samantalang winawasak nga at hinuhukay pailalim.

Hindi rin responsable ang Magnetite Offshore Mining ng Bogo Mining Resources Corp. sa limang bayan ng Calabanga, Sipocot, Tinambac, Cabusao at Siruma sa Camarines Sur kung saan hahalukayin ang kailaliman ng karagatan 15 kilometro mula sa baybayin nito.

Hindi kailanman naging responsable ang mga dayuhang korporasyon ng pagmimina sa mga naapektuhan ng kanilang mga operasyon. Simula ng operasyon ng RRPP sa Rapu-Rapu ay lalong lumala ang kahirapan at nagkagutom-gutom ang mga residente dito dahil sa pagbagsak ng kanilang kabuhayan sa pangingisda at pagsasaka dulot ng mga lason ng pagmimina dito. Kung mayroong nakinabang sa binayad ng RRPP na P10,862.85 (mine waste fee) para sa 217,257 tonelada na “mine waste” ay ang MGB-V. (mula sa ulat ng MGB-V,2010). Sampung libong piso! Katumbas ba ito ng isang buhay ng nanay na namatay dahil nakakain ng isda dahil sa fishkill doon o ng isang batang namatay doon dahil sa kagutuman?

Apektado na nga ang mga residente sa pagmimina sa Barangay Nakalaya, Jose Panganiban sa Camarines Norte ay naiipit pa sila ngayon sa kaguluhan at away ng Investwell Corporation at ng FMCGI ng pamilyang Fonacier na nag-aagawan ng yamang mineral ng kanilang lugar.

Kasinungalingang ipamaglaki pa sa ulat ng DENR-V/MGB-V na ang malakihang pagmimina sa Kabikolan ang nagpasigla ng ekonomiya ng rehiyon samantalang ayon sa ulat ay nasa ikalawa sa pinakamahirap na rehiyon ang Bikol sa buong bansa. Kung sinasabi na umunlad ang ekonomiya ng Bikol dahil sa malakihang pagmimina – hindi ito maramdaman ng mga mamamayang Bikolano lalo na ng mga apektado ng mapaminsala at dayuhang pagmimina.

Tanging ang mga malalaki at dayuhang korporasyon sa pagmimina kasama ng mga malalaking lokal na negosyante at mga matataas na opisyales ng gobyerno at ahensya na nakikipagsabwatan sa mga korporasyong ito ang nakikinabang sa mga produkto at kita ng pagmimina dito sa Bikol. Sa ulat ng MBG-V/DENR-V noong 2010, sa kabuuan ay may P4,654,818,424.31 at P57,483,032.45 na kita mula sa “metallic ” at “non-metallic production”dito sa Bikol ayon sa pagkasunod-sunod ngunit hindi naman inulat ang mga dambuhala at limpak na limpak na kita ng mga korporasyon na maluwag na inilalabas patungo sa kanilang bansa. Maluwag nang nailalabas ang kita, maluwag pa ang kanilang operasyon dahil sa mga iba’t-ibang insentibo tulad ng: 6 years income tax exemption, 10 years export tax exemption, and import tax exemption at marami pang iba.



Kaya nga parang parang kabuteng nagsulputan ang mga ito sa Bikol dahil sa pagiging sagana ng rehiyon sa yamang mineral at prayoridad pa ng nakaraang gobyerno ni GMA ito para sa malakihang proyektong pagmimina na ipinagpapatuloy lamang ng gobyerno ni Noynoy Aquino at pinasahol pa sa ilalim ng kanyang Public-Private Partnership Program. Gayundin, patuloy ang pag-iral ng Mining Act of 1995 kung saan ay lalong nagbuyangyang sa ating likas na yaman para dambungin at wasakin ang ating kalikasan.



“Towards Responsible Mining: Against All Odds” ? - Ang responsableng pagmimina ay mangyayari lamang sa ating bansa kung magkakaroon ng re-oryentasyon ang industriya ng pagmimina sa ating bansa. Kung saan, ang kita ng industriya ng pagmimina ay napapakinabangan at napapaunlad ang mamamayang Pilipino at hindi napupunta sa dayuhan at sa mga lokal na kasabwat nito. Kung saan, ang gobyerno ang may kontrol ng industriya at hindi ang mga dayuhan.



Hindi dayuhang pagmimina at malawakang kumbersyon ng lupa ang magpapaunlad sa Kabikolan. Hindi ito ang sagot sa kahirapan at kagutuman ng mamamayang Bikolano. Pagpapaunlad ng agrikultura, trabaho at sapat na sahod, tirahan, libreng serbisyo-sosyal ang tutugon sa kahirapan at kagutuman upang mabuhay ng maayos at marangal ang mamamayang Bikolano. Tunay na Reporma sa Lupa at Pambansang Industriyalisasyon lamang ang magpapaunlad sa bansa at rehiyon.



UMALPAS-KA

Hulyo 13, 2011

A Word of Caution

There is another blogsite posing as SAVE RAPU-RAPU with address http://saverapu-rapu.blogspot.com. (Note the DASH.) That site is a deception. Even our design is imitated. The obvious motive is to confuse our readers. Our address has NO DASH between the words "rapu" and "rapu." Our site was first posted on December 3, 2007; theirs, on April 14, 2008. Hence, we are first in going online with this URL and design. We learned about the other site only recently. The apologists of the mining operation in the island can go to this and other lengths just to sow confusion. Deceptive tactics are a disservice to readers and only reveal the desperation of the pro-Rapu-Rapu mining group. Our readers are, therefore, warned.

Matthew 7:16 - You will know them by what they do. Thorn bushes do not bear grapes, and briers do not bear figs.

Matthew 7:20 - So then, you will know the false prophets by what they do.

The creeks are crucial to the condition of fishing grounds

around Rapu-Rapu. They connect the mine site to Albay Gulf. The current severe decline in fish catch in the gulf is blamed on the mining operation in Rapu-Rapu. The decline started in 2005 as reported by fishermen; that's the same year when Lafayette began full operation. That is also the same year when the first two major fishkills started (October 11 and 31). The toxic spills came from the mine site and reached the surrounding body of water via the creeks. The contamination in those creeks will always damage the corral reefs in Albay Gulf. The effluent coming out of the mouths of the creeks prevents the entry of migratory fish from the Pacific Ocean into the gulf.

The joke is that there will no longer be any fishkill - because there are no more fish to kill.

The fish that allegedly died off the coasts of Linao and Binosawan during the fishkill reported by island residents and the parish on May 8, 2011 could be the migratory species from the Pacific Ocean attempting to enter Albay Gulf via the gap between Rapu-Rapu and Prieto Diaz. Linao is a village facing the ocean and Binosawan, the gap.

The MGB V Photographs and "Bathing" in the Creeks of Rapu-Rapu

MGB V Director Reynulfo A. Juan wrote to SARA Spokesperson Virgilio S. Perdigon, Jr. on April 15, 2011:

"With reference to your challenge to take a bath in the creeks, we have done just that. some members of the MMT and personnel of Rapu-Rapu Polymetallic Project (RRPP) went to a picnic and took a bath at Pagcolbon Creek on March 29 and April 3, 2011. We are attaching pictures for your reference. These pictures indicate the current status of the creeks."

In reply, Mr. Perdigon writes:

The good Director says he believes the contamination data but he is not among those “bathing.” Someone is shown sitting on the rocks (obviously not bathing) but the face is not recognizable (number 10).

01

01
Perching not bathing: The people in the creeks are not actually in contact with the water. They are perching on rocks instead, obviously avoiding the effluent.



02

02
Hidden feet and rubber boots: The feet of the men in blue overalls are almost all hidden from the camera but obviously not immersed in water. Still, two photos show that they are wearing what appears to be rubber boots, another evidence of avoidance.

Vegetation avoids water: The photos show that green vegetation is distant from the water while vines that are in contact with it are brown, leafless and (as they appear in the photos) dead.

03

03

04

04

05

05

06

06

07

07

08

08

09

09
Standing not bathing: The people shown to be at the mouth of one creek are also not bathing but standing. Since they were photographed at a great distance, MGB V fails to prove that they are not wearing rubber boots.

10

10
What creek picnic? A group of men seated around some food are not bathing. They do not appear to be anywhere near the creeks. Instead they are in a parking lot as indicated by the pickup truck in the background.

11

11
Bathing not in creeks: The people shown to be bathing are not doing so in the creeks but far out in the sea whose location is not verified. We cannot tell how long they stayed in the seawater.
In contrast to those of MGB V, the following photographs of a clean creek at the foot of Mayon Volcano show very close affinity of the vegetation to the water and even the rocks.
In healthy creeks like those in Mayon Volcano: the leaves mingle with the water and the creek beds are green with moss.
While this Mayon creek is almost crystal clear, yellowish coloration is evident in the creeks emanating from the mine site in Rapu-Rapu photographed by MGB V. The MMT report is silent about results of sampling for heavy metals and freshwater organisms. Allowing us free access and surprise visits would have revealed if there are even snails in the creeks. The armed guards under the Special CAFGU Active Auxiliary (SCAA) base are very strong evidence that something is being hidden in the Rapu-Rapu creeks.

Then and Now: What Difference? What Improvement in the Creeks?

According to RRPP, the coloration of the creeks has improved. However, during the Technical Conference with the Environment Management Bureau Region V and Save Rapu-Rapu Alliance on April 26, Engr. Rogelio Corpus, President of RRMI, said that the difference between the pictures then and now is not significant. He requested the Presiding Officer, Engr. Henry Lopez of EMB V, for permission to present RRPP pictures taken on April 25. The RRPP pictures, however, cannot be verified independently because the mining companies do not want "free access and surprise visits" to the creeks. They do not want to withdraw the armed guards "to protect their interests." As an environmentalist organization, SARA wants to protect the environment. It follows that the interests of RRPP are contrary to those of the environment.



Below, we are presenting ALL pictures in the Annex to the EMB V Investigation Report dated March 8-10, 2011. Those on the left are the pictures we have been showing to authorities which were taken from 2006 to 2009; those on the right are alleged to have been taken in the same spots on March 8 to 10, 2011 by EMB V and the mining companies. You be the judge if there is any improvement.


Pagcolbon gabion

Pagcolbon downstream gabion

Pagcolbon downstream

Pagcolbon downstream looking towards the sea

Pagcolbon shoreline

Pagcolbon downstream

Pagcolbon shoreline

Hollowstone downstream

Hollowstone shoreline

Maypajo shoreline
So, is there any significant difference then and now?

Saturday, February 2, 2008

Living in the shadow of the resources boom

The Age
Nick McKenzie

February 2, 2008

AS JUANITA Cut-ing tells of the armed soldiers who arrived at her door, her husband prepares breakfast. With the flick of a knife, he cuts the neck of a bony chicken and drains its blood into a bowl. In the remote village of Didipio in the north of the Philippines, little is wasted.

The soldiers came to the stilt home in the middle of last year to enforce a summons that the mother of three has repeatedly ignored, ordering her to vacate her home of 25 years.

"When the military men arrived, I felt so troubled and nervous," says Cut-ing. "But then I told myself, 'Why should I be afraid? This is my land.' "

Not for long. Her house and dozens like it sit on land destined to be flooded. In their place will be a dam to store waste from an open-pit gold and copper mine. Melbourne-based company OceanaGold plans to dig up $3.6 billion worth of gold and copper over 15 years from beneath a small hill overlooking Didipio, a village settled 50 years ago by the Iffugao, indigenous farming people.

Where OceanaGold points to the money, jobs and improved infrastructure it is bringing, Cut-ing sees a community divided and the destruction of her dream to fulfil a tradition of passing her house and farmland to her children.

"What will happen in 15 years, when the mine company packs up and goes?" she says. In the time it takes her to finish her story, the chicken is plucked, boiled and served for breakfast. As Cut-ing serves the cooking liquid as a drink, she seems almost unaware that in 12 months, the mine will roar to life and her home will be gone.

Her story is being played out in mineral-rich developing nations across the world as Australian miners lead the charge of First World companies seeking to capitalise on the mining boom. Companies emphasise the economic opportunities they bring to their poor and often unstable hosts — a third of the Philippines' 88 million people live on less than $2 a day — and insist that modern mines can be environmentally and socially sustainable.

Critics highlight other aspects of the global mining march: they allege corruption, lacklustre environmental oversight and unsavoury relationships with the local military or private security teams.

Non-government organisations such as Oxfam, which last year subjected OceanaGold to a damning report (rejected by the company), as well as politicians such as Greens senator Christine Milne, say Third World countries cannot hold foreign miners to account.

"Companies get away with shonky environmental and human rights practices in those countries. Australian companies overseas need to be held accountable in Australia," Milne says.

Australian Federal Police assistant commissioner Peter Drennan, who oversees investigations into companies alleged to have bribed foreign officials or accused of complicity in war crimes, says most Australian companies operate within the law. But he also says that only the naive would believe corruption or misconduct doesn't sometimes happen. If it does, investigating it in a developing nation can be trying.

"The environment in which these businesses are operating, the changing nature of the governments, the role of public officials — it is a very complex and difficult environment," Drennan says.

Finding the truth about mining companies in the Third World is complex and often confusing. The Philippines has become a flashpoint, especially for Australian miners, because of a concerted campaign in the past three years by the Government to attract foreign investment. Incentives include giving foreign companies full ownership of mines and generous tax concessions. Of the Philippines' 50 priority mineral projects, 12 involve Australian players.

The issue is deeply contested. On one side are the anti-mining Catholic Church and NGOs; on the other, an industry promising to maintain human rights and environmental standards and an often unstable national Government desperate to attract foreign capital. Between the claims and counter-claims, both sides have grievances. The miners say they are unfairly labelled environmental vandals, while the royalties they give communities are ignored. The critics point to irregular payments, local officials on company payrolls and avoidable toxic spills.

Peter Duyapat, a short, stocky indigenous man, farms using the water from one of Didipio's two rivers that will be diverted to make way for the mine. In the 1990s, Duyapat, a village councillor, worked for another Australian company, Climax Mining, guarding its bulldozer. Until it was taken over by OceanaGold in 2006, Climax held the rights to the Didipio project and spent more than a decade getting the required approvals from the local and national authorities. But in the late '90s, before Duyapat was to cast his council vote on the mine, he conducted a field trip to troubled mining projects elsewhere in the Philippines and decided the risks were too great for his village.

Duyapat's house is a sturdy, bare wooden building with a metal roof held down by rocks, a cause for derision among pro-mine supporters. "They think I am mad for not taking any more work from the mine," he says.

Nor did Duyapat accept an unusually generous relocation deal, greater than that offered to other villagers, from Climax company employee Carlos Migleas. By Migleas' own admission, he offered Duyapat a "double deal" involving the purchase of his land as well as buying him a new property. The offer was made before Duyapat had voted on the council about whether to endorse the mine. Getting Duyapat's backing could have reversed much of the anti-mine sentiment in the village.

In refusing Migleas' offer, Duyapat says he asked him: "Now you know you cannot buy all the people in Didipio, what will be your next step?" When the local council voted to approve the mine in 1999, Duyapat was the lone dissenter. At the time, many of his fellow councillors were working for the company, common practice in the Philippines.

The director of the national mine bureau, Horatio Ramos, acknowledges that employing local councillors, who must sometimes approve and scrutinise company operations, is ethically questionable. He also acknowledges that the multiple permits and approvals needed to run a mine, while ostensibly created to safeguard the environment and local residents, create opportunities for corruption. But Ramos is also a realist.

"That they hire your sons so you can disperse with some minor favour; I do not think that is corruption. For me, I look at it as a minor thing, giving favours. I do not know if you are a moralist, but I am not."

OceanaGold's chief executive, Stephen Orr, defends the employment of local officials and says an internal investigation by the company has found no evidence of irregular offers to local people, which are banned by OceanaGold. "Some people have a lot to offer from a public official standpoint in terms of representing the community. And they also happen to be exceptional employees for us as well," Orr says.

Under mining laws that require royalties to be paid to the local community, Orr says OceanaGold will contribute $US550,000 a year to projects that will long outlast the company in Didipio. The company has already brought jobs, better roads, a new school, scholarships and medical clinics.

Orr says the use of armed officials to deal with locals who refuse to accept generous company compensation offers to leave their homes is a matter for the Government. "We specifically requested there not be police or military presence."

Part of OceanaGold's challenge is to convince locals that it will not repeat the sins of other mining companies. In the rebel-infested southern Philippines, controversy has surrounded the use by some miners of heavily armed private security guards or military-trained, privately funded militia, who often operate with minimal accountability.

Then there is the environmental cost. Even though mining companies now operate under new laws and with new technology, past projects such as the Marcopper mine on the island of Marinduque cast a long shadow. A decade after the Marcopper mine shut down, fishermen on the banks of Marinduque's Boac River complain of itchy skin and depleted catches. The island's health officer, Dr Honesto Marquez, sees a stream of patients with conditions he suspects are linked to mine waste. "Heavy metals pollute little by little."

The Marcopper mine began poisoning the island of more than 200,000 people in 1969, when it was created by Canadian mining company Placer Dome in a secret partnership with corrupt dictator Ferdinand Marcos. Between 1974 and 1991, the mine dumped 200 million tonnes of waste into the sea. In 1996, the bursting of a waste dam pumped 4.4 million tonnes of waste into the Boac River, spoiling the aquatic environment. The then president, Fidel Ramos, declared a "state of calamity" on the island after high levels of heavy metals were found in the blood of 59 children. A United Nations team said the disaster had been preventable.

BY THEN, two Australians — the president of Marcopper, John Loney, and mine manager Steven Reid — had been charged with breaking environmental and mining laws. After lodging an appeal, both were allowed to leave the country. But the locals had nowhere to go. Despite 30 years of mining on the island, the community remains one of the nation's poorest.

As a child accompanying his father fishing in the bay used as a dump site by Marcopper, Wilson Manuba recalls feeling constantly sick. Thirty years later, after a series of chronic infections that failed to heal, Manuba was diagnosed with arsenic poisoning and given a choice: death or the amputation of his leg. He chose the leg and has received no compensation.

Since Loney and Reid were charged, three of the judges who presided over the ultimately unsuccessful appeals against the charges have died. The case itself, though, is still alive. Six months ago, two public prosecutors were assigned to revive court proceedings against the men. Reid, who now works as a senior executive with a mining company in Canada, and Loney, who chairs the board of WA-based firm Australian Mineral Fields, did not return The Age's calls or emails but have previously denied wrongdoing.

The Marinduque Government is suing in the US the company that took over Placer Dome, mining giant Barrick Gold, to get the tens of millions of dollars it says is still needed to clean up the island.

Placer Dome's conduct is still invoked by NGOs to attack new projects with no connection to Marinduque. It is partly why any environmental incident involving a new mining company can spark intense protest. So it was for Melbourne-based miner Lafayette, when things went wrong at its open-pit mine in late 2005.

The launch of the Australian-owned open-pit mine on the island of Rapu Rapu, south of Manila, was intended to herald a new era of foreign mining. But Lafayette rushed it. In mid-2005, metal prices skyrocketed and the company decided to start operations early, with environmental safeguards not in place. In October 2005, a pump malfunction caused 20 tonnes of mine waste, including cyanide, to flow into two creeks. Three weeks later, heavy rain and a poorly designed dam caused another spill. Mining officials later declared the two spills "very much preventable" and the result of company "negligence and unpreparedness".

Only a few fish were killed, and the company responded by overhauling its management and upgrading its operations, but Lafayette become the cause celebre of the anti-mining movement.

"The fish kill was not at all very serious," says mines bureau boss Horatio Ramos. "(But) it was serious to the extent that it destroyed the image of the industry — we were looking at Lafayette as a model, but it was not managed properly." The spills also hit Rapu Rapu's fishermen hard, as locals refused to buy their fish.

On top of an 18-month ban on its operations and a record fine of $258,000, the company was attacked by the Catholic Church and NGOs, with claims that Lafayette was responsible for subsequent fish kills. A banner draped over the local Catholic church depicts bloated and rotting fish alongside the words: "Lafayette says this is a hoax!!! Will the Government side with the people?"

During The Age's recent trip to Rapu Rapu, Lafayette community relations boss Joey Cubias said a village councillor had claimed he had to publicly oppose the mine or else "a bullet will welcome me back to my village".

Another local company manager, Teddy Marquez, chided Lafayette's former Australian managers for being "too honest" in presenting the 2005 spills. "Do you call it bread with sugar or do you call it cake?" he says.

Local priests say such an attitude is indicative of the industry's rhetoric. Bishop Lucilo Quiambao says Lafayette's royalties have flowed only to a small number of villages and will not lead to long-term economic prosperity.

He says his church has had to deliver rice to hungry fishermen unable to sell their catch because of continuing suspicion — fuelled by the church — that the fish aren't safe to eat. "Whom do the companies really favour — the poor or the investors?"

Others tell a different story. Former Lafayette employee and village mayor Reynold Asuncion says the mine has boosted the living conditions in his impoverished community. Last year, Lafayette employed 320 workers, including 180 from Rapu Rapu's 30,000-plus population. In several villages, Lafayette has built toilets and houses and supplied electricity and medical clinics. But it has not been enough to win over the region's most senior politician, provincial governor Joey Salceda, a former chief-of-staff and current economic adviser to President Gloria Arroyo. Salceda describes the company as "a thorn in my butt".

He claims Lafayette secured tax concessions several years ago in a "suspicious and highly irregular" manner that unfairly eroded what should have flowed into local and national coffers. "The point with Lafayette is that they do not even have a compliance officer (to safeguard against corrupt practices)."

Lafayette's managing director, David Baker, who joined the company in 2006, describes the attacks as without basis and politically motivated. His complaint is not without justification — one of Salceda's staffers encouraged locals to protest against the mine at a recent rally. The waiving of some taxes, Baker says, is a fair trade-off for the risks and costs of setting up a mine in a developing nation.

"You will find families that are enormously grateful for (the company) saving their child's life, providing what we would describe as minimal care but which for them is inaccessible," Baker says.

At the company's compound in mid-December, employees played The Age a slideshow describing Lafayette's contribution to the community. At the same time in Australia, its managers were trying to find a way out of the company's heavy debt, caused partly by the ban on its operations after the cyanide spill and typhoon-damage. The slide-show stated that Lafayette was "healing wounds, touching lives, fighting hunger, (giving) a brighter future". An hour later, in Reynold Asuncion's village, a teacher complained that he had not been paid by the company for four months. Two weeks later, Lafayette was placed into voluntary receivership.

The company's administrators are now searching for a foreign player to take over a mine potentially worth hundreds of millions of dollars. Waiting for them will be a community divided, from the locals in desperate need of work to those warier than ever of the promises of foreign miners.

Nick McKenzie is an Age investigative reporter.


Our comment later.


No comments:

Expansion of Lafayette's operation is meeting stiff resistance from various stakeholders

Expansion of Lafayette's operation is meeting stiff resistance from various stakeholders

CIRCA flaunts the Ten Commandments of Climate Change

Commandment Number 7 states: Thou shall not resort to open pit mining . . . to avert climate change. Notice the photo of the CIRCA Executive Director at lower left.

CIRCA Defies SARA Boycott Call

CIRCA Defies SARA Boycott Call

Though blurred, the LG label is still visible on the flat screen.

Evidence that Nong Rangasa suggested to invite mining companies to his LGU Summit + 3i exhibit

Evidence that Nong Rangasa suggested to invite mining companies to his LGU Summit + 3i exhibit
Excerpt from the minutes of the meeting on October 11, 2010